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SUBJECT 
TIONALITIES 

of ifiB 

RMAN ALLIANCE 

»tK a. Mokp cLn&j^ fronvGermaiv Sources) 



CASSELL AND COMPANY LIMITED 
LONDON NEW YORK TORONTO 
MELBOURNE 
1917 

PRICE 2d. 



SUBJECT NATIONALITIES 



OF THE 



GERMAN ALLIANCE 



WHEN Eevolutionary Russia proclaimed, as her pro- 
gramme for a peace-settlement, " No annexations or 
indemnities, and the right of all nationalities to determine 
their own destiny," the Germans were enthusiastic about 
the first clause and silent about the second. This map 
explains the reason. 

If " No Annexations " is interpreted as a return to the 
status quo ante helium, then the Germans, Magyars, Bulgars, 
and Turks will continue to rule over the seventeen subject 
nationalities or fragments of nationalities which they ruled 
before the war. If, on the other hand, " No Annexations " 
means that no nation is to be dominated by another nation, 
against its will and by the use of force, then the self- 
determination of nationalities " follows as a logical con- 
sequence, and a settlement on the Russian basis will deprive 
the four dominant nations of Central Europe and the Near 
East of the advantages they now derive from exploiting 
populations totalling as much as half their own number. 

The problem of the subject nationalities of the German 
Alliance is a key to the present international situation. It 
explains why the four nations in this alliance are banded 
together, and why they are fighting, as irreconcilable 
champions of the old regime, against the new spirit in 
politics which has prevailed in the rest of the world. 

The subject nationalities bring the German Alliance 
advantages of the utmost importance — from the German 
point of view. They give them just the necessary leverage 




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for overthrowing national liberty everywhere and making 
their ascendancy universal. 

Subtract the coloured areas from the black areas on the 
map, and you are left with four nations — Germans, Magyars, 
Bulgars, and Turks^ — who could enter a League of Nations 
as free and equal members on the same terms as the French, 
British, Italians, Swiss, Belgians, or Dutch. But add the 
coloured areas, and you see these four nations differentiated 
from the other peoples of Europe, endowed with a tyrannical 
ascendancy in a " German Empire," an " Austro-Hungarian 
Monarchy," a " Bulgarian Tsardom " and an " Ottoman 
Sultanate," linked together strategicaMy across the national 
territory of alien subject-peoples, and banded in a sinister 
league of interest, to hold their wrongful possessions and 
extend them. 

As conscripts, industrial workers, and taxpayers the 
subject-peoples add 50 per cent, to the military strength of 
the Germanic Alliance. That is sufiB.cient to explain why 
that Alliance is determined to retain possession of them at 
almost any price. But one cannot sum up so shortly the 
consequences for the subject-peoples which this interest of 
their rulers entails. 

A State at war demands practically unlimited sacrifices 
from the individual, and even where the interests and ideals 
of State and People are identical, the sacrifice is almost 
beyond bearing. But these subject-peoples are not called 
upon as free men but driven like cattle by force, to sacrifice 
themselves for a victory which is to rivet their shackles 
more firmly than before ; and many of them are driven to 
do this in a fratricidal combat with their own kin, from 
whom their rulers have isolated them by an arbitrary 
frontier. 

The Frenchman of Lorraine and the Alsatian are driven 
forward to shoot down other Frenchmen, and watch their 
German fellow-soldiers committing their atrocities in France. 
The Jugo-Slavs of Austria-Hungary are driven against the 
Serbs — their brother Jugo-Slavs. Whole peoples have seldom 



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been placed under a more monstrous compulsion, and they 
show their abhorrence of it whenever the opportunity 
appears. France can boast that there are more men in the 
French Army to-day from Alsace and the conquered half of 
Lorraine — refugees from the German tyranny or the sons of 
refugees — than from any other single province of France. 
The French Army has also a Polish Legion, and there are 
Jugo-Slav and Tchecho-Slovak corps in the Serbian and 
Russian Armies, recruited from brave men who found as 
prisoners their first opportunity of volunteering to fight for 
their own national cause. 

The Military Command af the German Alliance takes 
bloodthirsty measures against this irresistible reassertion of 
national rights. When a Tchech battalion went over to the 
Russians in Galicia, the sister battalion was decimated behind 
the Austrian lines, and since then they have taken care to 
send subject troops to fight troops that are not of their own 
blood. Italians and Rumanians are sent to the Russian front ; 
Tch echo-Slovaks and Jugo-Slavs to the Italian ; and Alsatians, 
sent by the German staff to fight Austria's battles in Galicia 
and Bulgaria's in Macedonia, have managed to make their 
way into the French and Russian lines. But those who 
escape are few, for the military authorities single out the 
subject troops for the most exposed positions. The subject 
nationalities are profitable to their masters not only while 
they live but when they die, since when they die the masters 
enter into their heritage. The Turks, who surpass the 
Germans in "realism" and are far more indifferent to the 
opinion of the world, did not leave it to the enemy to 
perform the execution. They disarmed their Armenian 
conscripts, drafted them into labour battalions, and massacred 
them themselves. 

This is what the subject nationalities of the German 
Alliance suffer in war ; but the atrociousness of their treat- 
ment at thie moment must not make us dwell more lightly 
«on the oppression they endured in peace-time for years 
before the war was made. 



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This oppression took almost every conceivable form,, 
from economic injustice and robbery to rape and murder. 
The little circles, scattered so thickly in the map over 
Germany's Polish provinces, represent the lands expropriated 
from their Polish owners by an Imperial German Colonisa- 
tion Commission and handed over to Germans — as ordained 
by a law of the German Reichstag. The oppression of the^ 
Jugo-Slavs cannot be so easily represented in visual form, for 
the map is on too small a scale to mark the railways, and 
the administrative system of Krain, Croatia, Dalmatia, and 
Bosnia is something which it takes many volumes to expose. 
But the principle of Austro- Hungarian policy here is to- 
isolate the Jugo-Slav provinces geographically, to retard 
their economic progress, to keep them poor and divided and 
uneducated, in order that they may be exploited by the 
Germans and Magyars, and never come into their rights 
as a nation. As for the policy of the Turks, it is summed 
up in the apophthegm of a Turkish gendarme to a Danish 
Red Cross Nurse during the massacres of 1915 : " First we 
kill the Armenians, then the Greeks and then the Kurds."' 
His superiors have completed the programme by hanging the 
leaders of the Syrian Arabs; and the Arabs of the Hejaz — 
which stretches away beyond the limits of the map — have 
only saved themselves by taking up arms. 

To sum up, the possession of subject nationalities thus 
abused gives the Germanic Alliance the impulse to fight for 
world-dominion, and it makes a moral breach between them 
and the rest of the world. In the present war four tyrant 
nations are at grips with all the free peoples in the world,, 
and between them lie the peoples whom the tyrants have 
enslaved. 



Printed in Great Britain by Richard Tilling, 
io6, Great Dover Street, London, S.E. i.